Officials at the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services are currently finalizing the 2015 Dietary Guidelines for Americans (DGA). Those agencies will rely quite heavily on the Scientific Report of a USDA/HHS advisory panel—the Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee (DGAC)—that Washington Legal Foundation and many other interested parties have criticized as driven more by ideology than sound science. The USDA and HHS Secretaries recently assured the public that the DGA will provide “nutritional and dietary information … based on a preponderance of the evidence.” One test of the Secretaries’ fidelity to that statutorily-mandated criterion will be whether the Dietary Guidelines embrace the Scientific Report’s thoroughly unscientific conclusions on caffeine. Continue reading
On September 1, 2015 a federal district court in Texas vacated a United States Fish and Wildlife Service (“FWS”) rule listing the lesser prairie chicken as threatened under the Endangered Species Act (“ESA”). In Permian Basin Petroleum Association v. Department of the Interior, the court found FWS failed to follow its own procedures for evaluating the effects of a voluntary state-lead program designed to protect the species. This decision could serve to limit future ESA listing decisions when state-lead conservation efforts designed to protect species are in place.
The federal government has been considering whether the lesser prairie chicken (a member of the grouse family) should be listed since 1995. The process has drawn substantial attention pitting environmental NGOs asserting the species’ needed ESA protection against landowners concerned with restrictions on their rights to make beneficial use of land across several western states. Oil and gas interests, among others, have been extremely concerned with a potential listing, as the bird’s habitat includes areas with active oil and gas exploration. Continue reading
In a comment critical of his former employer’s proposal to mandate “added sugars” labeling, a former Director of the Food and Drug Administration’s Office of Food Labeling wrote, “‘Added Sugar’ is the ‘bête noir‘ of this decade for many in the nutrition community.” That community’s obsession with added sugars has hit an all-time high (or low) with FDA’s July 27 release of a proposed rule that “supplements” its March 3, 2014 proposed revision of the ubiquitous food Nutrition Facts panel. While U.S. regulators have been busy affirming the righteousness of their irrational approach, health officials in neighboring Canada have taken a far more reasoned stance. The contrast between the latter’s position and FDA’s proposal is quite instructive.
“Added Sugars” Charade. Sound science and the history of government nutrition policy dictate that narrowly focusing on one food, ingredient, or nutrient is exactly the wrong way to reduce obesity. Past government pronouncements on the evils of fat and cholesterol pushed consumers away from items such as lean meat and eggs, and toward products like fat-free cookies packed with sweeteners. Now, government is admitting that we shouldn’t worry so much about fat. It’s also no longer clear that salt deserves its status as a longtime public-health bogeyman. Continue reading
To no one’s surprise, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has confirmed its November 8, 2013 initial determination that the agency no longer considers the main source of trans fat in Americans’ diet, partially hydrogenated oils (PHOs), “generally recognized as safe” (GRAS). In its announcement, FDA emphasizes how the three-year window it has granted food companies to comply with the order would “allow for an orderly [transition] process.” Before anyone applauds FDA for being reasonable or magnanimous, however, consider what else the agency says, and doesn’t say, in its Declaratory Order (“Order”). FDA’s statements and omissions essentially set the table for an explosion of private lawsuits that could require PHO-containing products to be reformulated, or removed from the market, far earlier than June 2018.
What the Order Says. Under federal law, an FDA determination that a substance is no longer GRAS is not the equivalent of it being “unsafe.” It means that because some level of uncertainty has arisen from studies of the substance, food producers must seek approval for its use in specific products through a food additive petition. The Order, however, glosses over this inconvenient nuance, and instead consistently and repeatedly states that FDA has concluded PHOs are unsafe. The media has slavishly echoed FDA’s distorted conclusion to an American public that includes prospective judges and jurors for the lawsuits to come. Continue reading
In one of our first WLF Legal Pulse posts five years ago, we wrote about efforts at the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to revitalize “environmental justice” (EJ), which had essentially laid dormant since the Clinton Administration. The EJ movement’s influence has gradually spread, with EPA citing “EJ concerns” among its reasons for opposing the Keystone XL pipeline, and activists utilizing EJ to successfully oppose express toll lanes in Arlington, Virginia and agitate for severe development limits in the Los Angeles area.
Several recent developments at EPA aim to inject the environmental justice movement even further into federal regulatory policy-making. Continue reading
The meaning of “chutzpah” is often illustrated by pointing to the man who kills his parents and then throws himself on the mercy of the court because he is an orphan. The recent actions of a group of plaintiffs’ lawyers involved in a multi-billion dollar case before the Illinois Supreme Court exhibit a similar kind of chutzpah. They have labored for more than a decade to have Justice Lloyd Karmeier removed from the case, most recently by bankrolling (to the tune of more than $2 million) a “no” campaign for Karmeier’s November 2014 retention election. That effort narrowly failed: 61% of the south Illinois electorate voted to retain Karmeier for another 10-year term.
So last month the attorneys filed a motion to have Karmeier removed from the case. Their reason? Karmeier is likely biased against them because of their persistent efforts to get rid of him, and the integrity of the courts requires the removal of judges whose impartiality might reasonably be questioned. The motion lacks merit and should be denied. Motions of this sort are doing far more to undermine public confidence in the integrity of the judicial system than could a judge’s decision to hear a case despite self-interested allegations of partiality. As Justice Antonin Scalia has explained, such motions feed the perception that litigation is just a game, that the party with the most resourceful lawyer can play it to win, and that our seemingly interminable legal proceedings are wonderfully self-perpetuating but incapable of delivering real-world justice. Continue reading
The 2014 election featured four high-profile attempts by the national food nanny movement to impose its agenda through municipal and state ballot initiatives. Voters in Oregon and Colorado rejected mandatory “genetically-modified organism” (GMO) food-labeling measures, while voters in two California cities split on sin taxes for “sugary” drinks.
Food Labeling. Exactly 2/3 of Colorado voters said “no” to the Colorado Right to Know Act. The vote on Oregon’s Measure 92 was considerably closer, with the “no’s” outnumbering the “yes’s” 50.7% to 49.3%. Each initiative trumpeted the superficial appeal of consumers’ “right-to-know,” and both made the oft-repeated misleading or false claims in their legislative “findings” sections that GMOs in food are unregulated, unsafe, and unhealthy. Much like California’s unsuccessful Proposition 37 initiative, the Oregon and Colorado proposals were riddled with labeling exemptions, including food served at restaurants and alcoholic beverages. Oregon’s proposal would have also unleashed the plaintiffs’ bar on food processors through a “private attorney general” enforcement provision.
Thin Taxes? Two California municipalities, San Francisco and Berkeley, held votes on soda excise taxes. The Berkeley measure, which passed by a large margin, imposes a one-cent-per-fluid-ounce tax on all soda, energy drinks, coffee syrups, sweetened tea, and other packaged “sugary” drinks, while exempting milk and diet soda. The failed San Francisco initiative would have imposed a two-cent-per-fluid-ounce tax on sodas and other sugar-sweetened drinks, including some juices, coffees and flavored waters. It garnered 55% at the polls, but fell short of the 66% “yes” votes needed for measures whose revenues are aimed at a specific purpose. The initiative would have funded children’s nutrition and physical education programs. The revenues from Berkeley’s tax measure will go into the city’s general fund.
The Bigger Picture. Mandatory GMO-labeling proponents have now lost each of their four initiative campaigns. And they have failed in states where one might think voters would overwhelmingly support such progressive measures: California, Washington, Oregon, and Colorado. With 2015 being a slow year for elections, activists will likely turn their attention now to state legislatures. The negative opinions of hundreds of thousands of voters in the aforementioned states should speak volumes to politicians in other states about mandatory GMO labeling. In addition, as several WLF publications have explained (i.e. here and here)—and a suit against Vermont’s labeling mandate argues—such mandates infringe on federal authority to regulate food labels and tread on food producers’ constitutional rights. Policy makers should bear these points in mind, and keep a watchful eye on the legal challenge to Vermont’s law, when they are urged to embrace mandated labeling.
Nutrition nannies such as former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg have trumpeted the Berkeley vote as a watershed moment. Given the Berkeley electorate’s historical affinity for fringe movements and big government, the outcome is more likely an aberration than a harbinger. The result also should be considered counterproductive for the fight against obesity. It advances the entirely baseless notion that regressive taxes on soda and other disfavored beverages will benefit taxpayers’ health. Reliance on such taxes also detracts attention and energy from actual solutions to America’s expanding waistline. But considering the financial largesse of benefactors like Mr. Bloomberg and the zeal of his activist allies, the fight over manipulative sin taxes is likely to continue.
Also published by Forbes.com on WLF’s contributor page