Featured Expert Column − Complex Serial and Mass Tort Litigation
By Richard O. Faulk, Hollingsworth LLP
Can a public-nuisance lawsuit be based solely on property owners’ fear that their property values will be diminished by proximity to an adjacent contaminated tract? The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit recently—and correctly—rejected a creative, but flawed, attempt by landowners to recover damages for such claims in Smith v. ConocoPhillips Pipeline Co.
The use of public nuisance litigation to redress environmental claims has proven extraordinarily controversial—and generally unsuccessful. Perhaps the most famous failure occurred when plaintiffs employed nuisance theories to redress environmental contamination at Love Canal, in which case over a decade of litigation failed to produce a solution.1 Thereafter, appellate courts generally rejected the tort’s use for a wide variety of claims ranging from lead paint contamination to climate change.2 Continue reading
Officials at the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services are currently finalizing the 2015 Dietary Guidelines for Americans (DGA). Those agencies will rely quite heavily on the Scientific Report of a USDA/HHS advisory panel—the Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee (DGAC)—that Washington Legal Foundation and many other interested parties have criticized as driven more by ideology than sound science. The USDA and HHS Secretaries recently assured the public that the DGA will provide “nutritional and dietary information … based on a preponderance of the evidence.” One test of the Secretaries’ fidelity to that statutorily-mandated criterion will be whether the Dietary Guidelines embrace the Scientific Report’s thoroughly unscientific conclusions on caffeine. Continue reading
Berkeley once marched for free speech
No one seriously disputes that the government is entitled to adopt broadly applicable laws that require a product seller to disclose truthful information about its product so that consumers can know what they are buying. But governments with increasing frequency have been requiring sellers to convey information that cannot plausibly be deemed the sort of truthful, noncontroversial information that consumers expect to see on product labeling.
Unfortunately, recent decisions suggest that at least some courts are unwilling to protect the First Amendment right of product sellers not to be forced to communicate controversial government messages that they do not wish to convey. Such rulings undermine constitutional protections against compelled government speech that the Supreme Court has consistently recognized for the past 75 years. Continue reading
By Harold Furchtgott-Roth and Arielle Roth, The Hudson Institute*
In a victory for pseudo-science and a loss for the First Amendment, federal judge Edward Chen recently upheld a regulation by the City of Berkeley compelling retailers to warn customers about the supposed risks of wireless radiation. CTIA-The Wireless Ass’n v. The City of Berkeley.
The ordinance requires that cell phone retailers inform customers of the following:
To assure safety, the Federal Government requires that cell phones meet radio frequency (RF) exposure guidelines.
The statement misleadingly suggests that the federal government has singled out cell phones for safety concerns. This is not the case. The FCC’s guidelines on RF exposure (including these in 2013 and these in 2003) apply to a wide range of devices, not just cell phones. Nor has it been shown that in the absence of FCC regulations, cell phones would be unsafe. The FCC, which takes safety very seriously, has never concluded anything of the sort. Continue reading
This is the second part of a two-part commentary on FDA’s requirements that added sugars be listed on the food Nutrition Facts panel, and that a Daily Reference Value (DRV) be set for added sugars and included in the panel footnote. For part I, click here.
FDA’s Reliance Solely on a DGAC Report to Establish a DRV is Unprecedented
When implementing the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act, FDA first set daily reference values in 1993 based on “sufficient scientific consensus,” a standard established by the agency under that law. FDA did not rely on a federal advisory committee’s report. Moreover, it relied only minimally on the Dietary Guidelines for Americans itself. Instead, FDA cited numerous consensus reports which, taken together, constituted “sufficient scientific consensus.” Continue reading
The usual spate of articles by Supreme Court scribes pronouncing the Roberts Court staunchly pro-business were noticeably sparser as the latest term ended. When journalists are reduced to using the Obamacare and same-sex marriage cases as their main exhibits to prove the Supreme Court’s supposed pro-business tilt, you know it wasn’t a banner year for business.
Of course there were a few notable losses (King v. Burwell itself, Oneok, and Texas Dept. of Housing come to mind). But the fact that free enterprise did not fare well this term had comparatively little to do with the decisions the Supreme Court issued. Rather, business civil liberties suffered more overall from the various state supreme court and federal courts of appeals cases that the high court left on the cutting-room floor.
The tally that follows comprises more than just the cases of a disappointed cert seeker. WLF did not participate in more than half of the examples discussed below. However, the cert petitions mentioned here are all cases where free enterprise, individual and business civil liberties, or rule of law interests were at stake. From the free-market vantage point, it once again appears that the Court did not make enough room on its docket for cases implicating significant liberty interests. By choosing a lighter load, the Court allows legal uncertainty to linger, lower-court disobedience to fester, adventuresome new legal theories to propagate, and injustices implicating millions, if not billions, of dollars to prevail. Continue reading
In one of our first WLF Legal Pulse posts five years ago, we wrote about efforts at the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to revitalize “environmental justice” (EJ), which had essentially laid dormant since the Clinton Administration. The EJ movement’s influence has gradually spread, with EPA citing “EJ concerns” among its reasons for opposing the Keystone XL pipeline, and activists utilizing EJ to successfully oppose express toll lanes in Arlington, Virginia and agitate for severe development limits in the Los Angeles area.
Several recent developments at EPA aim to inject the environmental justice movement even further into federal regulatory policy-making. Continue reading