Copyright and Patent Holders Advance Separate Market-Based, Self-Help Initiatives

copyrightIntellectual property (IP) rights and innovation are inextricably intertwined. It’s not surprising, then, that in the spirit of innovation, some IP owners have taken proactive steps to advance and defend their own property rights. They understand that reliance on current or future government action is no panacea. In separate developments this past week, some of the world’s most successful copyright holders adopted a creative approach to bolster those rights, while leaders of three different patent “self-help” entities explained their unique strategies at a Washington Legal Foundation (WLF) briefing.

Copyrights and WhereToWatch. Pirated online file peddlers and their apologists routinely argue that they are meeting consumers’ unfulfilled demand for affordable access to digital music, movies, and TV shows. As we noted in a WLF Legal Pulse post last month, however, “Huge music libraries can be accessed for free or low cost at outlets such as Spotify, Pandora, Amazon Music, and iTunes. Online options for TV and movie content continue to multiply. Copyright-infringing consumers can no longer claim that they seek pirated content because it isn’t digitally available for a reasonable price.” A September 23, 2014 report by KPMG provides empirical supports that argument. It found, for instance, that 96% of the top 20 movies for the years 2000 to 2010 were available through legal online distributors. Also, 96% of television’s top 100 shows in 2012 were available. Continue reading

Nutrition Nannies Win Only 1 of 4 High-Profile Ballot Initiatives

election2014The 2014 election featured four high-profile attempts by the national food nanny movement to impose its agenda through municipal and state ballot initiatives. Voters in Oregon and Colorado rejected mandatory “genetically-modified organism” (GMO) food-labeling measures, while voters in two California cities split on sin taxes for “sugary” drinks.

Food Labeling. Exactly 2/3 of Colorado voters said “no” to the Colorado Right to Know Act. The vote on Oregon’s Measure 92 was considerably closer, with the “no’s” outnumbering the “yes’s” 50.7% to 49.3%. Each initiative trumpeted the superficial appeal of  consumers’ “right-to-know,” and both made the oft-repeated misleading or false claims in their legislative “findings” sections that GMOs in food are unregulated, unsafe, and unhealthy. Much like California’s unsuccessful Proposition 37 initiative, the Oregon and Colorado proposals were riddled with labeling exemptions, including food served at restaurants and alcoholic beverages. Oregon’s proposal would have also unleashed the plaintiffs’ bar on food processors through a “private attorney general” enforcement provision.

Thin Taxes? Two California municipalities, San Francisco and Berkeley, held votes on soda excise taxes. The Berkeley measure, which passed by a large margin, imposes a one-cent-per-fluid-ounce tax on all soda, energy drinks, coffee syrups, sweetened tea, and other packaged “sugary” drinks, while exempting milk and diet soda. The failed San Francisco initiative would have imposed a two-cent-per-fluid-ounce tax on sodas and other sugar-sweetened drinks, including some juices, coffees and flavored waters. It garnered 55% at the polls, but fell short of the 66% “yes” votes needed for measures whose revenues are aimed at a specific purpose. The initiative would have funded children’s nutrition and physical education programs. The revenues from Berkeley’s tax measure will go into the city’s general fund.

The Bigger Picture. Mandatory GMO-labeling proponents have now lost each of their four initiative campaigns. And they have failed in states where one might think voters would overwhelmingly support such progressive measures: California, Washington, Oregon, and Colorado. With 2015 being a slow year for elections, activists will likely turn their attention now to state legislatures. The negative opinions of hundreds of thousands of voters in the aforementioned states should speak volumes to politicians in other states about mandatory GMO labeling. In addition, as several WLF publications have explained (i.e. here and here)—and a suit against Vermont’s labeling mandate argues—such mandates infringe on federal authority to regulate food labels and tread on food producers’ constitutional rights. Policy makers should bear these points in mind, and keep a watchful eye on the legal challenge to Vermont’s law, when they are urged to embrace mandated labeling.

Nutrition nannies such as former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg have trumpeted the Berkeley vote as a watershed moment. Given the Berkeley electorate’s historical affinity for fringe movements and big government, the outcome is more likely an aberration than a harbinger. The result also should be considered counterproductive for the fight against obesity. It advances the entirely baseless notion that regressive taxes on soda and other disfavored beverages will benefit taxpayers’ health. Reliance on such taxes also detracts attention and energy from actual solutions to America’s expanding waistline. But considering the financial largesse of benefactors like Mr. Bloomberg and the zeal of his activist allies, the fight over manipulative sin taxes is likely to continue.

Also published by Forbes.com on WLF’s contributor page

Ebola Vaccine and Treatment Makers Need Liability Protection

670px-ebola_virus_virionU.S. politicians and regulators, many of whom ordinarily trend toward hyper-caution on new drug reviews and approvals, are rushing forward with policies aimed at speeding up development of Ebola vaccines and treatments. These measures include coordinated research among public health officials and drug makers, Food and Drug Administration (FDA) pledges of regulatory assistance, and congressional interest in legislation to qualify Ebola-targeted products for an FDA priority-review program. Such cooperation is encouraging, but government also needs to take action on another R&D disincentive which, if left unaddressed, could completely undermine current efforts on Ebola and frustrate future cooperative management of unforeseen pandemics. Ebola vaccine and treatment manufacturers need to have protection from tort liability exposure.

Any medical procedure, pharmaceutical product, or vaccine may have adverse health risks in some instances. Drug manufacturers must consider those risks when deciding whether to invest millions of dollars for product R&D, and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) must weigh those risks against the benefits when approving a treatment. Such risks, along with the high regulatory barriers and low economic incentives attendant to investing in rare diseases, likely have been factors that explain the dearth of Ebola vaccines and treatments.

The United States government has the motivation and the means to minimize or eliminate such liability risks. Federal health agencies are already directly involved in vaccine development, and they will no doubt also be the major purchasers of the resulting drugs. Those federal entities could include a provision in the R&D agreements or purchasing contracts that would substitute the government as a defendant in any resulting lawsuits against private businesses, or indemnify companies from tort liability. The former option is certainly superior to indemnification, which could require the vaccine and treatment producers to litigate cases and then seek reimbursement for the losses or settlements. The companies would also have to negotiate with the government over whether the indemnification would cover litigation costs, such as attorneys’ fees.

The federal government indemnified manufacturers in contracts for a smallpox vaccine after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. The companies argued that the proposed indemnification was insufficient, and in April 2003, Congress added expanded liability protections to the Homeland Security Act of 2002. For the one-year period of the national smallpox vaccination program (2003-2004), individuals allegedly harmed by a government-purchased smallpox vaccine could only sue the federal government under the Federal Tort Claims Act. Congress could consider the passage of a similar law for Ebola vaccines. Continue reading

First Circuit Permits Challenge to Massachusetts Prior Restraint on Billboards

billboardIn recognition of Free Speech Week, the WLF Legal Pulse celebrates what may be the First Amendment’s greatest virtue: it protects speech that may be unpopular due to the nature of the speaker or the medium within which it is spoken. We do so by applauding an October 20 U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit ruling that addressed a prior restraint on a method of communication that some disfavor—billboards—and that predominantly carries messages some consider unworthy of full constitutional protection—advertisements.

Unbridled regulatory authority. Section 302 of the Massachusetts Code of Regulations requires all outdoor advertisers to obtain both an operating license and a permit for each specific sign. The regulation vests the Director of the Office of Outdoor Advertising (“Director”) with broad discretion to grant, withhold, or revoke licenses and permits for billboards. Section 302 enumerates several factors that the Director “may” consider, including “health, safety, and general welfare” and “not [being] in harmony with the surrounding area.” The regulation, however, states the listed factors are non-exclusive and that the Director’s authority is “[w]ithout limitation.”

Van Wagner Communications, which lobbied against the 2012 amendments to Section 302, filed a facial challenge to the regulation in federal court, arguing that it imposed an unconstitutional prior restraint on the company’s speech. The U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts held that because the Director had approved Van Wagner’s license and all 70 of its permit requests over two years, the company suffered no injury and thus lacked standing to sue. Continue reading

Federal Circuit Orders Eastern District of Texas Patent Suit Stayed

The WLF Legal Pufederal circuitlse has addressed the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit’s patent litigation venue jurisprudence in several posts (here and here). That court issued two rulings this past March (In re Apple Inc. and In re Barnes & Noble, Inc.) that, in our opinion, incorrectly applied factors the Federal Circuit had previously relied upon to order patent suits transferred to more appropriate venues. On October 9, a unanimous three-judge panel added another twist to the Federal Circuit’s venue case law with In re Google Inc.

Background. Last October, non-practicing entity Rockstar Consortium filed a patent infringement suit in the Eastern District of Texas (EDTX) against five companies whose technology utilized Google’s Android operating system. At the end of 2013, Google filed a declaratory judgment action against Rockstar in the Northern District of California (NDCA) that involved the same patents that Rockstar was suing to enforce in Texas. Rockstar countersued Google in the NDCA and concurrently added Google as a defendant in the EDTX action. Rockstar then moved to transfer or dismiss the California action, which the NDCA denied. Google and its five customers petitioned the EDTX to stay Rockstar’s infringement action pending an outcome in the NDCA, or to transfer the case to California. EDTX Judge James Rodney Gilstrap denied the order, and the six companies appealed. Continue reading

Profit, Not Ideology, Motivates Cyberlockers that Facilitate Copyright Infringement

copyrightwarningInformation wants to be free” is a standard rejoinder to criticism of online entertainment piracy. Such a sentiment may motivate some copyright thieves, but profit, not ideology, drives the proprietors of “cyberlockers” whose business is trafficking pirated entertainment content. A recent study by the Digital Citizens Alliance (DCA)—”Behind the Cyberlocker Door“— has laid bare that reality. These websites generate profit margins that lawful businesses can only dream of, and they do so on the backs of countless workers in the music, movie, and television industries.

DCA analyzed data from the 15 top direct download cyberlockers and 15 top streaming cyberlockers. It found that 78% of the files on the direct download sites, and 84% on the streaming sites, were infringing content such as music, movies, and TV shows. Total annual revenue for the 30 businesses was $96.2 million, which averages out to $3.2 million a site. The average profit ratio of the direct download sites was 63.4%, with one site enjoying 88.5%. For the streaming cyberlockers, the average ratio was 87.6%, with the highest coming in at 96.3%.

Much like people who run the illicit cyberlockers, some of those who unlawfully access and share copyright-protected content may claim to be advancing an extreme public commons ideology or “sticking it to Big Entertainment,” but the volume of such piracy reflects a baser motivation. Pirated content consumers’ catchphrase shouldn’t be “information wants to be free;” it should be  “we want free information.” Continue reading

White House Boosts Fictional “Food Addiction” Concept to School Kids

BSFriesAs we’ve discussed numerous times here, some nutrition nanny activists, regulators, and plaintiffs’ lawyers have embraced and promoted the concept that food can be “addictive.” The term grabs people’s attention, conjuring up disturbing mental images of helplessness and withdrawal. It’s no wonder, then, that the notion of “food addiction” is often invoked in the context of greater government regulation, taxes, and advertising restrictions designed to redirect our dietary choices.

On September 26, the concept received its highest profile reference yet, from First Lady Michelle Obama, during an interview broadcast to millions of students on the in-school “Channel One News.” When asked about the criticism the federal government’s new school lunch rules have faced, the First Lady responded:

It’s natural. Change is hard. And the thing about highly processed, sugary, salty foods is that you get addicted to it. I don’t want to just settle because it’s hard. I don’t want to give up because it’s expensive. I don’t want that to be the excuse.

The interview appears to have been very carefully scripted, so her mention of “addiction” was hardly spontaneous or casual, nor was her referencing it in the context of “highly processed, sugary, salty foods.” Federal government regulation is taking direct aim at those demonized products and their ingredients.

For instance, the Department of Agriculture has proposed banning the sale of certain foods in public schools that don’t meet “Smart Snacks” guidelines, as well as banning advertising of those products in schools. Also, as part of its update of the Nutrition Facts label affixed to all packaged foods, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is proposing a new “added sugars” item. FDA is pursuing this mandate even though the agency acknowledges that no chemical difference exists between naturally occurring and added sugars in food. The “added sugars” mandate would also expose federal regulators to constitutional challenges under the First and Fourth Amendments, as leading food regulation attorneys Richard Frank and Bruce Silverglade argue in a September 26 WLF Legal Backgrounder.

The First Lady’s reference to “food addiction” was ill-advised, especially considering the age and maturity level of her captive audience on Channel One News. The concept of addiction has been significantly dumbed down and politicized over the past few decades to the point where it has almost lost any objective meaning. Reputable scientists have questioned not only the methodology behind “food addiction” studies, but also the researchers’ motivation.

The “Let’s Move” effort led by the First Lady advances the indisputably worthy goal of a healthier America, but that goal cannot be met by fomenting faulty food addiction concerns. Such a concept creates a serious moral hazard—people struggling to lose weight may throw up their hands because they believe addiction to (insert high-calorie product) has taken hold. Talk of addiction, and the choice-restrictive public policies it fuels, also diverts attention and resources from actual solutions to obesity in America.

Also published by Forbes.com at WLF’s contributor page